Honorable Vice-Chancellor, Distinguished representatives of the academic community, Dear friends and invited guests, Ladies and gentlemen,

It is an honor for me to have been invited to make a speech at the University of Pretoria in the context of its Africa Dialogue Lecture Series and to share with you some Swedish views on what is presently going on in Africa and a few of a more global nature.

Sweden and South Africa have excellent relations. The roots of this close relationship grew out of common experiences during the long and difficult struggle against apartheid for freedom and democracy. During several decades Sweden was in the forefront of the international community supporting the South African struggle under the strong leadership of the ANC. This cooperation carried out during so many years under difficult circumstances, created close bonds on professional as well as personal levels.

Today we stand together on a solid base of friendship and solidarity. Our contacts and cooperation are fruitful. They take a multitude of different forms. On the highest level we have created a South African- Swedish Binational Commission. This commission meets on a biannual basis and is composed of three subcommissions: political, economic and social/developmental. Subgroups are being created and recently we formed a special joint working group on peace and security in Africa. Between our two nations common bilateral approaches and actions are being discussed, decided upon and implemented ranging from how to strengthen the multilateral system to practical cooperation on the ground in peace keeping operations. In our own continued efforts to further strengthen our partnership with Africa the special relationship with South Africa will always be the main pillar. We have common interests and common concerns in so many areas: in the work for peace and security in Africa, in fighting poverty, in the defense of multilateralism and the UN system and in trying to move ahead towards a more comprehensive and coherent policy for global development, including a forceful resumption of the WTO Doha Round negotiations.

Looking at current trends in Africa today you can still see many of the ingredients, which were part and parcel of the Afro pessimism that was so common a few years ago; and which those who always prefer to see half-empty glasses are still picking up. Wars, conflicts and tensions are still blocking development progress in many parts of the continent. Many problems continue to be there in the crucial areas of democracy, respect for human rights and good governance. Massive poverty still exists and Africa is lagging behind in the efforts to reach the established Millennium Development Goals. Health conditions are deteriorating rather than the other way around, mainly because of the drastic consequences of the HIV/AIDS pandemic. For those who choose to remain Afro pessimists there will always be ample room for gloomy pictures. The problem with this approach is that it does not lead anywhere other than complacency and negative attitudes and that it deliberately eludes those factors, which give hope for the future.

I would like to mention three general trends, which I see, develop in todays Africa and which give a lot of hope for a better and more positive future. Huge challenges remain and drawbacks can at any stage reverse the general trend. But the direction seems to be on the right track.

The first is the decisive on going reshaping of the regional cooperation framework, primarily through the establishment of the Africa Union (AU). What is emerging through this process is a new and more vigorous leadership, stronger institutions with a clearer and sharper mandate and a revitalized political commitment to act with the required decisiveness. Looking at what has been achieved during the relatively limited time frame of only 2-3 years I can only say that the concrete results are quite impressive. A new gender-balanced African Commission is in place, the Peace and Security Council is already operating and the new Pan-African Parliament has been established; just to mention a few of the advancements. The main difficulty lies in implementation, action and living-up to established responsibilities. But also here there are reasons to be more optimistic than before. All major African conflicts are today handled within on-going peace processes, all of them African-led. And the new AU is asserting itself in a more and more decisive manner.

This also goes for very complicated conflict areas, such as the one in Sudan/Darfur, which can be seen as a crucial testing ground for the AU machinery. The commitment and the political will to act forcefully seem to be there. The question is whether that is enough to overcome obvious capacity constraints and the many problems still standing in the way of smooth progress. In the case of Darfur the timing aspect is essential. What we can say is that the time for decisive AU action is now. We stand together in these efforts. The UN and the international community, including the EU, has important supporting roles to play. I will be going directly from here to Sudan and to Darfur. A senior Swedish diplomat, Sten Rylander has joined the AU mediation team in Abuja as an EU-representative.

A second general trend visible in many, although definitely not all, African nations is the strengthening of democratic values and structures. During the last decade we have witnessed a growth of pluralism where individuals take part and care, through more vivid and stronger civil society as well as open and daring media. This trend, once started, often becomes irreversible. Parallel to this I am happy to notice that awareness of and respect for human rights and good governance are gaining roots.

As I mentioned earlier there are exceptions and standing here today I cannot but single out Zimbabwe as a case in point. Zimbabwe, which had so many prerequisites to become a prosperous nation and a pride for Africa, is now in a horrendous deep political, social and economic crisis. We cannot stand idle witnessing this but have to react strongly and decisively against acts in Zimbabwe of human atrocities and economic mismanagement.

We just heard that the main opposition party, the MDC, would not participate in the upcoming elections due to fear of them not being held in a free and fair manner. This is bad news. Democracy needs pluralism and an open debate. As neighbors, you have an important role to try to change the negative development in Zimbabwe.

Let me just briefly mention a third general trend, occurring in Africa. Sound economic policies and more focused strategies to eradicate poverty have become salient features in a growing number of African nations developmental efforts. These are now bearing fruit and improved economic prospects are becoming evident for nations and their citizens. This could be even further strengthened with implementation of NEPAD. With these economic prospects as a base I am positive that Africa can benefit greatly from reforms on the multilateral trade system recently being agreed upon within WTO.

On these general trends I mentioned above, South Africa serves not only as a good example and as an active and dynamic player to fulfill these. But also, and at least equally important, South Africa is a striving force for regional acceptance and implementation of these fundamental requirements for development.

Development in Africa is however being seriously threatened by the HIV/AIDS-pandemic. To act strongly against the spread of HIV/AIDS is one of the most important challenges of our time. We can meet this menace to development only if we work together and dare to address all relevant aspects. Awareness is increasing and programmes are put in place to combat the wide spread consequences posed by the pandemic. South Africa has embarked upon an ambitious programme for distribution of anti-retroviral drugs and I sincerely hope that this programme will be carried out swiftly. What is further important for the fight against the HIV/AIDS-pandemic is a clear and vocal leadership.

Allow me now to touch upon a few global issues of importance for Swedish foreign policy.

First: We are all aware that global threats require global solutions. They should be worked out within the framework of the United Nations system. No other organisation offers the structure for comprehensive action in support of collective security. And no other body can provide legitimacy for necessary, coercive measures. There is now a momentum to intensify efforts to revitalize the United Nations for it to stay modern and efficient, as well as representative and democratic. In this context, I welcome Secretary-General Kofi Annan's establishment of a High-Level Panel tasked with identifying and making recommendations on how to counter global threats.

When discussing how to deal with global threats we must ensure that the rule of law in international affairs is safeguarded, and strengthened. Members of the United Nations Security Council have been entrusted with the primary responsibility for international peace and security. Strengthening the authority of the Security Council remains a priority. This includes fortifying the early warning capacities of the UN and increasing the readiness and possibilities to act on such early warning signals. UN Member States must be prepared to provide necessary resources to implement a Security Council decision.

The Council should also be made more representative of today's global realities, through an expansion of its membership. An enlarged Security Council has been discussed without much progress for many years. It is encouraging that the high level panel seemingly has agreed on including recommendations on the subject in its report to the Secretary General in December.

Another important reform issue Sweden has focused on is the gap in the UN crisis management capacity. In the area of peacebuilding, the UN can be adapted to respond on a more long term and coordinated manner. The institutional gap between the immediate and urgent peacekeeping, under the mandate of the Security Council, and the long-term development needs, mainly the responsibility of the Economic and Social Council, must be bridged. Cooperation with the AU, as well as its sub-regional organisations, must also be strengthened.

Multilateralism is the cornerstone for achieving peace, stability and human rights. Only through common efforts can we successfully fight terrorism, poverty and protect the environment. The United Nations, with its universal principles, is our guide, and its institutions our tools. We must work together to enhance and strengthen multilateral co-operation, based on the vision of the Charter of the United Nations.

Second: The threats posed by weapons of mass destruction affect us all. South Africa and Sweden are partners in the efforts to promote nuclear disarmament. The New Agenda Coalition - in which South Africa and Sweden are two of the seven members - has made important contributions when it comes to safeguarding the Non-proliferation Treaty and to argue the case for a renewed focus on nuclear disarmament. The Coalition is particularly concerned with making sure that the unequivocal undertaking that the nuclear weapon states made to eliminate their nuclear weapons and the practical steps towards nuclear disarmament agreed at the NPT Review Conference in the year 2000 will be implemented. The Swedish Government highly appreciates this partnership and we look forward to continued cooperation in this area.

The European Union has agreed on a strategy against weapons of mass destruction, based on a Swedish initiative. Another positive development is the establishment of the independent Commission on Weapons of Mass Destruction, with Dr Hans Blix as Chairman. We are looking forward to its recommendations. Swedens long-term goal is a world free from weapons of mass destruction.

Third: International law is the foundation of international relations. It has become increasingly focused on the protection of the dignity and worth of individuals, and human rights is now a main pillar of international law. No longer is sovereignty a shield for those who abuse human beings but a responsibility to care for, and protect a population.

Africa has been in the forefront of this development. The Charter of the African Union gives the right to the Union to intervene in a Member State in respect of grave circumstances, namely: war crimes, genocide and crimes against humanity. This Charter is a foundation for the strengthening of human rights in Africa.

The genocide in Rwanda in 1994 brought the death of some 800 000 people, the spread of conflict to other parts of the Great Lakes region and economic and social devastation. Still, despite the calls never again, we have seen atrocities in places like Colombia, Darfur, the Middle East and Indonesia.

The norms of international law, while not perfect, would create a much better world, if fully implemented. They are, however, sometimes ignored, by powerful nations and ruthless war-lords. The consequences are often devastating. Therefore, we must increase our efforts to induce compliance with international law.

Both Sweden and South Africa have been strong and consistent supporters of the International Criminal Court (the ICC). There is also a need for systematic international monitoring of international humanitarian law, which seeks to ensure the protection of civilians as well as of detainees in armed conflict. We will also press for the universal ratification of the additional protocol to the Convention Against Torture; this protocol will allow regular visits in prisons and other places of detention.

It is further imperative, both for political and legal reasons, that human rights and international humanitarian law are respected in the crucial fight against terrorism. Torture and mistreatment in Iraqi prisons, or at Guantanamo Bay risks undermining the global support for the necessary fight against terrorism.

If a state cannot live up to its responsibility to protect its population, if it suffers from systematic and grave violations of human rights and international humanitarian law, then the international community must do so, as a last resort by military means. There can be no national or international security without respect for human rights and democracy.

Before concluding I would like to come back to my starting point: the close relationship between Sweden and South Africa. We should continue to build on that as we now move ahead in trying to nurture the dialogue between Africa and Europe, the AU and the EU and the South and the North. Close partners trusting each other can achieve a lot. In an interview in 1995 Walter Sisulu commented on the need for a continuation of the relationship between South Africa and Sweden, as well as the other Nordic countries and I quote him: It must grow! It must be intensified! We just cannot afford to loose it, to allow it to cool down. It must continue on a high level, because we are not only dealing with a particular struggle. We now have a fiddle and we have a role to play on the international arena. We have to see to it that good friends such as we have had are maintained. And that we together will work out a new programme, a new era, a new approach. I can assure you that Sweden will continue to be guided by Walter Sisulu's inspired wish for the future.